邢唷> 欹'` 餜氘bjbj鱘鱘8攰攰忙&   4...8f< Rp1111K 2颬觨$Dqh瑂j鱫 ***鱫4 p>1>1>1*r  1>1*1>1>1  >1 蓛豴F.(/>1r1L"p0Rp>1t0jt>1t >140">1%Tl'J鱫鱫(1Rp**** d. .v Unit 8 Comparative Journalism: similarities and differences 1. News and News Value For years media scholars have attempted to identify press systems in order to analyse further the function of the press under different social conditions. "The Four Theories of the Press" proposed by three American scholars, Fred S. Siebert, Theodore Peterson and Wilbur Schramm during the 1950s, is the most influential analysis. It divides the world press into four classifications: Authoritarian, Libertarian, Social Responsibility and Soviet Communist. The "Four Theories" suggests that the authoritarian press existed universally in Europe of the sixteenth and most of the seventeenth centuries. It was born in the authoritarian climate of the late Renaissance when printing had just been invented and was in the process of being developed. The press functioned as a servant of the government. "Truth was conceived to be, not as a product of the great mass of the people, but of a few wise men who were in a position to guide and direct their fellows ... The rulers of the time used the press to tell the people what the rulers thought they should know and the policies the rulers thought they should support." Private ownership of the press could be withdrawn at any time by the authorities. The authoritarian press set the original pattern for most of the national press systems of the world. West and East, whether democratic countries such as England, the United States of America and Australia or the communist countries such as the Soviet Union, North Korea, have passed through or are still in this stage. The period from the late seventeenth century to the nineteenth century saw the growth of political democracy and the rapid development of individual freedom in the West. The libertarian press mostly replaced the authoritarian and was adopted by the leading democratic nations such as Britain, the United States of America and many European countries. The "Four Theories" argues that in the liberal model the press is not an instrument of government, but acts as a "Fourth Estate" which is free from government control and influence, a goal achieved by most Western democratic countries. By the beginning of the twentieth century, two social systems, capitalism and communism, were established worldwide. Two different press models, based on libertarian and authoritarian philosophies, developed: one, social responsibility and the other, Soviet communist. The social responsibility model, "a 20th century child of the libertarian parent", originated in Western democratic countries as the press gradually fell into the hands of a few monopolies which dictated both the content and profit of the press. The model emphasises that the freedom of the press carries the obligation of responsiblity to society while functioning as entertainment and advertisement. Many Australians regard the press of their country as falling in the social responsibility category. In 1991, Sally A. White explained in a journalism text book, that Australia places "more emphasis on the serious functions of media to expose corruption, wrongdoing, bungling, complacency and venality." By 1917, the authoritarian model was modified: the Soviet Communist model, as Marxism and Leninism and the dictatorship of the Communist Party, developed. This model is characteristically the press operating as a tool of the ruling power: it serves the Party and speaks for the Party. The concept of the "Four Theories of the Press" has been developed and modified during the past forty years. In 1983, media scholar Professor Osmo A. Wiio further analysed the features of the four models, as shown below: 1. The Authoritarian Model: the right to send may belong to the individual, but the right to receive belongs to society. Society allows only certain kinds of messages to be sent by the media. This model applies to many authoritarian states and dictatorships, such as Nazi Germany or Franco's Spain. 2. The Libertarian Model: the individual owns both the right to send and the right to receive, and society can limit these rights only to protect similar rights of other individuals. This applies to the United States. 3. The Social Responsibility Model: the individual owns the right to receive, but society owns the right to send. Society also has some control over what is received. This right is used mainly to protect the members of society against "harmful" communication, such as too much violence, explicit sex, abuse of children or unwanted advertisements. This model applies to most Western-type democracies. 4. The Communist Model: society controls both the right to send and the right to receive. Society can give these rights to individuals on certain conditions, and it has the absolute right to recall these rights when individual rights conflict with the interests of society. This model, as the name implies, is to be found in communist countries. The great contribution of the "Four theories of the Press" was to classify the world press into two basic groups: libertarian and authoritarian. This has been widely adopted although there have been many variations, interpretations and arguments. Since the 1950s, numerous books and articles have been written about the press of individual countries and in recent years researchers have also focused on international comparison: the role of the press under different socio-political systems. In the early 1980s, the world media system was divided by a group of international media scholars into three parts: the Western world, the Third world and the Communist world. The differences between the three worlds provide a basis for comparison. Relatively speaking, the journalism of each country has inherited, and is orientated towards its own socio-political pattern. Western journalism has influenced and produced Australian journalism, and this argument has been propounded in major works on Australian journalism such as Henry Mayer, The Press in Australia (1964), Humphrey McQueen, Australia's Media Monopolies (1977), J. Avieson, Applied Journalism in Australia (1980), J. S. Western, The Mass Media in Australia (1983), Keith Windschuttle, The Media, A New Analysis of the Press, Television, Radio and Advertising in Australia (1988), John Henningham, Issues in Australian Journalism (1990), Len Granato, Reporting and Writing News (1991), Sally A. White, Reporting in Australia (1991), John Hurst & Sally A. White, Ethics and the Australian News Media (1994) and Julianne Schultz (ed), Not Just Another Business: Journalists, Citizens and the Media (1994). Media scholars have complained about the weakness of Australian journalism and the lack of comprehensive theoretical studies in particular. Indeed, at present it is hard to find any systematic Australian journalism references or textbooks like those in leading Western democratic countries, such as Mass Communication Theory: An Introduction by Denis McQuail. Professor John Henningham stated in 1990 that "The two hundred years of Australian journalism waits to be written". Early Chinese journalism basically followed the Western pattern, as shown in four major Chinese publications on journalism before the 1949 revolution: Xu Baohuang, Journalism (Xinwenxue; 1919), Ren Baitao, Applied Journalism (Yingyong xinwenxue; 1922), Ge Gongzhen, History of Chinese Journalism (1927), and Lin Yutang, A History of the Press and Public Opinion in China (1936). Since 1949, Chinese journalism has been following Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong thought. The major producers of media theory have been based on three institutions: Department of Journalism of the Chinese People's University in Beijing, Fudan University in Shanghai, and the Institute of Journalism attached to the China National Social Sciences Academy in Beijing. The representative journalism works which come from these institutions are: Gan Xifen: Foundations of Journalism (Xinwen lilun jichu; 1981), Dai Bang, Qian Xinbo and Chen Zusheng, Basic Knowledge of Journalism (Xinwenxue jiben zhishi jianzuo; 1983), and Department of Journalism of Fudan University, An Introduction to Journalism (Xinwenxue gailun; 1985). Although extremely limited for a population of twelve hundred million, these Chinese communist journalism theoretical publications are highly consistent and systematised. Focusing on the generality and diversity of the two press systems, the basic elements of the role of the press, including the concept of news, news value, the function and freedom of the press are examined. Rather than a detailed demonstration of each of the existing theories on these issues, this examination is more concerned with the mainstream in which the two press systems are operating. Offshoot journalistic comments certainly are referred to, but are treated as less important. For example, in the early 1980s, liberal journalism rose in China to challenge traditional Party journalism which shocked the Chinese press considerably. However, the communist media system has not changed fundamentally and the press still follows the communist pattern. Similarly, in recent years, many critical ideas have emerged in Australian journalism. There have been announcements that "traditional journalism is in crisis" and attempts to redefine and revise existing news concepts. Despite spirited arguments, there is a general consensus that Australian journalism essentially is conducted within a Western framework. Len Granato maintains that there is considerable agreement on the principal theories of journalism in most English-speaking countries, including Australia. He has proposed the concept of an "Anglo-American-Australian system of journalism" in his text book. Definitions Traditional Western journalism defines "news" as "an account of something real", something that "has actually happened", "truthful and complete accounts of the social world", or "a report of an event, containing timely...information which has been accurately gathered and written by trained reporters for the purpose of serving the reader, listener, or viewer". The Oxford English Dictionary defines "news" as "tidings; the report or account of recent events or occurrences, brought to or coming to one as new information; news occurrences as a subject of report or talk." Munir K. Nasser, an American media scholar, has suggested there is no universally accepted definition of news but that a common feature can be found in Western journalism: News is an accurate, fair, balanced, and objective report that must have certain news values based on such criteria as impact, prominence, proximity, timeliness, human interest, conflict, and oddity. Three basic elements are involved in "news": an event, a reader and a journalistic report with a time limitation. These Western views have been well received by Australian journalism. A typical example is a definition of "news" given by Len Granato in 1991: News is a journalistic report to an audience about an expected or unexpected situation in which the public has a legitimate interest and which may bring about a change that will impact on people and on society. Granato therefore, emphasises three aspects: a situation, a journalistic report and an audience which combine to make "news". He further explains: "News is a journalistic report of a situation, it is not the situation itself". On the other hand, a situation reported by a journalist should have "a genuine public interest". For example, he says, the Sydney Morning Herald has no interest at all in what an ordinary person may eat for dinner tonight but they do have an interest in the meal that contestants will prepare at the Australian Chef of the Year competition at the Hilton Hotel tonight. Two decades earlier, in discussing the concept of news, Henry Mayer quoted a definition from the Concise Oxford Dictionary as "tidings, new information, fresh events reported". "But," Mayer argued, "which of the millions of fresh events are to be reported?" Pointing out that news is always a product of human enterprise and always artificially created, Mayer did not give his own definition of "news". In an investigation in 1980, of a group of professional newsmen including reporters and sub-editors, Ian Baker concluded that Australian journalists seemed "generally unable to discuss or explain logically" the concept of news. The following are some extracts from their responses: News is something that has happened, is happening; something that can be seen or felt or is affecting the lives of others.... ( A senior Canberra political correspondent I suppose news could be defined as events of interest to people, events that are outside their normal experience. ( An ABC News sub-editor That which has been previously unknown to the reader; that which surprises him, informs him, titillates him. It's something the person didn't know before or a slant on life or aspects of life previously unknown. ( Chief of Reporting Staff for a Sunday newspaper News is something that's new, that's important, that's relevant, and it takes something further .... News of course is something that people might be interested in.... ( Specialist Canberra writer for quality morning daily What is different, unusual, surprising or dramatic to the reporter....the chances are it will be the same to the reader. ( An ABC News Chief of Staff News is what they decide to put in the papers ( Senior Canberra political correspondent Well, whatever the editor thinks is news, I suppose. ( Staff writer for a weekly news magazine Ian Baker suggests that these definitions are "generally imprecise, rambling, and vague". Another Australian media scholar, Sally A. White, seems more cautious in defining the nature of news. White believes that it is hard to separate several interrelated concepts such as: to what use do people put news; what are the functions of a news medium; and what are the characteristics of news, or what makes an event or opinion newsworthy. Further, who decides what is news? Keith Windschuttle also suggests that journalists generally have difficulty in defining the concept and in articulating news values. He divides existing theories on news and reality into five categories: free market, manipulative, bureaucratic, ideological consensus and the materialist theory. Among them, the first two are related most to Australian journalism. The free market model claims that newspapers are simply in the business of satisfying the demand for news; the principal criterion of selection is public interest; journalists should report reality objectively. Stanley Cohen and Jock Young assert that news is a natural category of event which must be reported as objectively as possible and that "The responsible journalist selects those events which are in the public interest to know and then objectively portrays reality within the format and genre of the particular media concerned. The manipulative model is the most critical one, and has been regarded as "Left-wing analysis of news". The key points of this theory were outlined by Humphrey McQueen in his Australia's Media Monopolies in 1977, submitting that the news presented in the Australian press was in the direct interest of press proprietors as employers of labour. This can be seen through a great deal of evidence that news content has been heavily influenced by Australian media monopolies, which then included Keith Murdoch, Frank Packer, Rupert Murdoch and Sir Warwick Fairfax. Bill Bonney and Helen Wilson suggest that "news is selected raw information, impartially presented and distinguished from comment and interpretation". However, not all information and factual material, such as information on weather, shipping, the stock market and sport result, are counted as news. They say "News is not just any information. It is information having what is called 'news value' ". Murray Masterton simply implies that "news is published information which interests people or affects them in their everyday lives, or will do so in the future." He correlates four common points: information itself is not news, it must be published to become news; it must have interest for a great many people, and usually significance for them as well; it must be new, or at least timely, if it is to be interesting at all; and it must be understandable to the public who read it, hear it or see it. In terms of the concept of news, in some particulars Chinese journalism shows an attitude quite similar to that of many of the Western perceptions. As indicated in previous chapters, Western journalism was introduced when Western missionary papers infiltrated China in the early 1880s but not until the beginning of the second decade of the twentieth century, when the New Culture Movement (1915-1919) swept across major metropolitan areas was it encouraged systematically in Chinese journalism. Westernised Chinese scholars, such as Xu Baohuang (1894-1930) ( a journalism graduate from the University of Michigan, and Ren Baitao ( a graduate from Waseda University in Japan, took leading roles in the introduction of Western journalism, and their major works are considered to be the first generation of Chinese journalism. In 1919, Xu Baohuang acknowledged that "News is a most recent fact which attracts a large audience". Almost at the same time, the Communist leader and theorist, Li Dazhao said, "News is the latest, alive, socialist reflection. In 1943, two years after the establishment of the Liberation Daily ( the first Chinese communist daily, Lu Dingyi, a communist theorist, stated that: News is a factual report on a recent event. Lu's definition, described as "an outstanding contribution to Chinese journalism", was widely used in journalism until 1981, when it was challenged by Gan Xifen, a Professor of journalism in Beijing. Gang argues that news is not just a factual report but it is also involved with the publisher's opinion of the fact: news does not focus on all, but only those important events which attract most people. Also, news has a political purpose. It is a special method of influencing public opinion. Therefore, Gang gives his definition of news: News is a report or a "comment" (comment means the political bias when selecting news or explaining the fact) on the latest or most important fact. It is a special method of influencing public opinion. Lu Yunfan also criticises Lu Dingyi's definition for being "incomplete", arguing that "it is not necessary for news to have happened lately, but an old fact could also be news in some circumstances" and that "reported news is news, but news disseminated within the masses should also be regarded as news". Hence, Lu Yunfan gives his definition: News is a transmission of a fact which has recently occurred or recently been discovered. News value, a phrase first used by an American academic, Julian Ralph, in 1892, is another issue which has lead to heated arguments associated with news. In a Western sense, news value ( a criterion to help journalists judge the value of a news item, and whether a story should be prominently displayed, played down, or neglected, ( normally consists of the following elements: impact, prominence, proximity, timeliness, human interest, conflict and oddity. Australian journalism walks in the same Western pattern, with slightly different interpretations. Henry Mayer in 1962 selected two standards for newsworthiness: importance and interest. John Henningham, in a discussion on television news in 1988, suggested that the following factors should be included in newsworthiness: proximity, recency, impact, famous people, conflict, emotion. Similarly, in 1991, Sally A. White outlined news value as having the following aspects: impact, timeliness, proximity, prominence, conflict, currency and the unusual. In the same year, it was portrayed by Len Granato as: conflict, disasters, consequence or impact, prominence, timeliness, proximity, novelty, human interest, and his own addition: sex, drugs and alcohol, animals, money and aged people. The traditional Western principle of news value is generally accepted by Chinese journalism, although for a long time the concept was ignored in practice. In 1919, Xu Baohuang indicated in his Journalism , the first Chinese journalism book, that: News value is a matter of whether a news item could attract people in varying degrees. The more significant the latest event, the more people would be concerned, and it would be recognised as more valuable news. The less significant and older event would only draw less attention and it would be recognised as having less news value. In 1947, Yun Yiqun also mentioned that news value decides the arrangement of the news items in the newspaper. After the revolution of 1949, news value was a banned topic as it was regarded as "bourgeois goods". Consequently, newspapers were a Party propaganda instrument rather than an information medium. Since 1978, when China adopted the reform policies, news value has been gaining more attention and has become an important criterion for the selection of news items. In 1981, Zhang Zonghou defined news value as: News value is a quality consisting of fact and material which could meet the needs of society. It is a criterion to select and judge the facts and material used by a journalist according to his knowledge. Zhang Zonghou summarised the four basic elements of news value as: 1. significance, 2. novelty, 3. proximity, 4. human interest; remarkably similar to Australian and other Western definitions. Another noted journalism publication, An Introduction to Journalism, edited by Department of Journalism of Fudan University, holds a similar viewpoint to that of Zhang, with slight differences in the recognition of elements of news value: 1. timeliness and novelty, 2. significance, 3. proximity, 4. prominence, 5. human interest. The authors say that an event with timeliness and novelty plus any one of the other elements, would be recognised as news. The more of these elements a fact has, the more its news value. Research by American media scholars L. John Martin and Anju Grover Chaudhary shows that proximity is a criterion for news selection in all systems. However, while timeliness is highly demanded in a democratic system it is a relatively unimportant factor in a controlled system, in which the media is often late in reporting news events because they must go through government clearance. Yvonne Preston, a former Beijing correspondent for The Sydney Morning Herald, is surprised that the downfall of the Gang of Four, such a crucial event to the Chinese people, was first leaked by the English Daily Telegraph instead of the Chinese media. News and news value concepts seem to be widely shared between different news media, at least in theory the gap between the Australian and Chinese press on this point may be considered not very wide, as has been shown. However, a genuine difference can be observed from the presentation of the newspapers. A survey found that the most widely read topics in American dailies were accidents, disasters, natural phenomena, government affairs, taxes and crime. In Australia, similarly, Len Granato considers "conflict" as having the most important news value. It is ranked with elements such as: violence with death, injuries and damage to property ... wars, crimes of all kinds but especially kidnappings, rapes, severe bashings and murders, riots, trials, demonstrations, street marches, industrial disputes, sporting events, parliamentary debates, election campaigns, retrenchments and bankruptcies. Indeed, these phenomena take a significant position in the Australian press. A close look at the Chinese press however, would disclose that, except for sport, the above elements were treated at a much lower level. A newspaper investigation in 1979 shows that articles promoting Party policies, revolutionary theories and the nation's administration took about a seventy per cent portion in the Chinese press. A car accident could be a lead story in The Sydney Morning Herald, but an air crash with hundreds dead could be ignored by the People's Daily. The bush fires in New South Wales in January 1994 and the earthquake in Newcastle in 1989 took days of attention for the Australian media, but in Tangshan in 1976, an earthquake, in which the city was completely destroyed and twenty-four million people died, received no direct coverage from the Chinese media, as will be discussed in a later chapter. It would be dangerous if comparison only remains on the basis of theory, for theory is often divorced from reality. Thus it is important to distinguish theoretical claims from newspaper practice. One should not just look at the issue of what the press claims but also examine what it actually does. A commonly agreed concept can have diverse interpretations. For example, "significance", as one of the most important factors of news value, is accepted by journalism both in China and the West. Numerous reports show us that "significance" is often perceived quite differently. Taking the coverage of the 1989 Tiananmen democratic movement as an example, the death toll and casualties were most significant in The Sydney Morning Herald but were almost dismissed in the People's Daily. What decides news selection? Why can a similar fact or event be treated so differently, sometimes in even a diametrically opposed fashion? These questions require a broader and deeper investigation. 2. Class Distinction, Objectivity and Propaganda Class distinction is normally ignored by mainstream Western journalism. Instead, public interests and public opinion generally are given special emphasis. In Western democratic opinion a newspaper should not belong to any political group and should reflect public opinion ( which means the ideas from all elements of society. The primary task of journalists is "to convey the news to the widest audience: to act as a common carrier and thus to create an exchange of opinions." Objectivity in reporting is especially required. Journalists should not allow personal interests to influence their professional duties. Reporters accomplish this, as Len Granato says, "by writing in the third person, by using neutral language and by attributing opinion to sources". "Bias" in the reporting of news is heavily criticised. In 1976 The Age drew up a guide for Australian newspapers: The duty of the press is to expose, not oppose. It is to seek truth, not to wield power; to be vigilant, not politically ambitious; to criticise, not overthrow. It is to discover the news as diligently and dispassionately as it can and to publish it as quickly, fairly and accurately as possible. And in politics the function of a newspaper is, we think clear; to report politics, not play them; to report and comment on politics without political motivation. As a reporting method, objectivity did not achieve its place until the late 19th century. In the early years, newspapers used the news as a political weapon and were heavily biased. Later, newspapers separated their opinions from the facts and recorded news objectively, without personal intrusion and comment, and presented not just one side but all sides. Apart from the progress of professionalism, the reasons for the change chiefly arose from the papers' economic demands. Len Granato summarises this as the situation where proprietors ended their financial dependence on political factions and relied on advertising to provide most of their revenue. While ceasing to slant their stories towards a particular ideology they "took their cue from the international news agencies and instructed their journalists to write objective stories so as not to alienate readers, hoping to offer advertisers the largest possible number of potential customers". Theodore Peterson argued in 1957 that, for a decade, "objectivity" had not been a goal of the Western press; instead, it was merely "a fetish". This arose when the 1947 Royal Commission declared that a truthful account of the news was not enough; it was necessary to report "the truth about the fact". Peterson further explained: ...the press has developed a curious sort of objectivity ( a spurious objectivity which results in half-truths, incompleteness, incomprehensibility. In adhering to objective reporting, the press has tried to present more than one side to a story; but in doing so, the suggestion is, the media have not bothered to evaluate for the reader the trustworthiness of conflicting sources, nor have they supplied the perspective essential to a complete understanding of a given situation. Instead of assuming that two half truths make a truth, the Commission says in effect, the press should seek "the whole truth". Despite the arguments, objectivity, fairness and neutrality are of great concern and are described as "core values" to journalists. In the Australian interpretation, objectivity means "reporting the news in a fair and balanced manner", or that the reporter "expresses fairly the position of each side in a political dispute" and "does not allow the journalist's own political beliefs to affect the presentation of the subject". However, there are many doubts as to whether these principles can be functional in practice. As a matter of fact, there are varying understandings on the issue of objectivity even in the Western world. John Martin and Anju Grover Chaudhary have discovered that objective reporting in the American and British sense is not found in all Western countries. For instance, "German journalists prefer to give their stories 'perspective' by providing interpretive background and writing subjectively. Swedish journalists give a lively twist even to straight news stories for fear of boring their readers". Manoff and Schudson maintain that the attempts to be objective are "evidence that journalists have a strong sense of formal constraints on their work, one of which is the set of rules, procedures and traditions that define what 'objectivity' means". They assert that the journalists' system is "operating out of its own conventions and understandings and within its own set of sociological, ideological and literary constraints". Allen and Linda Kirschner more clearly point out that: We mistakenly assume that our newspapers print the whole truth....For behind every article is a writer with his own vision of the truth just as behind every reader is a human being with his vision of the truth. Print is, in the language of Marshall Mcluhan, a "cool medium," a medium which requires a human being to complete it. Words, therefore, fail to exist until they interact with a reader. This interaction does not guarantee, however, that the truth will be the same to every writer or to every reader. Some European philosophers have argued that objective or even neutral accounts of reality are not possible, since a person's world view always helps shape their accounts of reality. Professor Wolfgang Donsbach, a German communications commentator, maintains that: From the beginning the press was dominated by a strong belief in the superiority of opinion over news. The opinionated editor and commentator were seen as the epitome of the journalistic profession. Donsbach does not mention whether the class system affects journalist opinion. However, a few Western radical scholars have referred to this issue when dealing with communication. Denis McQuail for example, states unequivocally that: There is certainly a class bias in attention to 'information-rich' sources and strong correlations are persistently found between social class, attention to these sources and being able to answer information questions on political, social, or economic matters. McQuail also points out that "not all information is equally useful to all groups" and "it is likely that the media do close some [information sources] and open others". If class distinction is not discussed sufficiently in McQuail's studies, it is well explained by Humphrey McQueen, an Australian media critic and scholar. Using Marxist class struggle methodology in his analysis, McQueen divides media into socialist and capitalist systems. He considers that the Australian media definitely upholds the interests of capitalism and does not support the working class. Therefore, its objectivity and fairness are doubtful because "even if all the media were completely honest, accurate and unbiased in all their political comments and reports, they would still uphold the interests of capitalism." He complains that in Australia "too many writers have concentrated on the outright lying and distortion practised by the media, while almost no mention is made of the ways in which the media supports capitalism without ever raising the issue openly." He further explains: Indeed, even if the media cut out all political comment and news they would still be defending the interests of capitalism. They do this by the ways in which they present their content; by their relations with their audiences; by what they leave out; and, most of all, by the values which lie behind everything they do - values which they in turn pump out into their audiences. Marxist journalism attacks Western claims to objectivity as being "hypocritical" and maintains that "Bourgeois journalism tries to hide its class nature under a mask of "classlessness" or "non-partisanism", and tries to present itself in the eyes of public opinion as 'objective', independent of the social forces of the source of information." According to Rilla Dean Mills "in the Marxist-Leninist conception, truth cannot be synonymous with 'objectivity', in the sense of being non-partisan, since every point of view is partisan ( an expression of some class interests, whether hidden or open". Journalism scholars at Fudan university hold a similar point of view, maintaining that "When the media reflect the objective world their presentation often contains a sort of class interest", which normally shows in the following: news selection; editing; news item placement in newspaper and commentary. PRC journalism has admitted that, to some extent, objectivity as a method may exist in reporting a purely scientific or natural fact, but when social affairs are involved, particularly political matters, bias cannot be waived. Bias has remained one of the major problems in Australian journalism and usually is attributed to the different political viewpoints of journalists, or the issue is simply disregarded. The few critics who connect this issue with class include Humphrey McQueen, already mentioned, Bill Bonney and Helen Wilson. McQueen believes that it is class background that makes the bias which obviously exists in Australian reporting, and this shows particularly in the reporting of international affairs. In his view, the accounts on China since 1949 have been "disastrous examples of the Australian media misreporting". It was also "disastrous to the best interests of the Australian people" and this misreporting could even be a reason for Menzies sending troops to Vietnam. It is believed now that the Australian media (perhaps partly because of attitudes based on wrong background information) mis-reported on several international events such as the Vietnam war and the Tonkin Gulf affair. McQueen maintains the Australian people have real difficulty in knowing what is happening in other countries because the media are upholding the interests of the capitalists. Bill Bonney and Helen Wilson think that the presentation of news items in the Australian media is not balanced: while the USA and Western Europe dominate foreign news, news about Second World or Third World countries is in a very subordinate position. A weakness of Australian newspapers also criticised by some Western observers is that "Australian journalists, especially political reporters, play up or play down stories to support their political slant". Trevor Barr, another Australian media critic, firmly believes that "all news is biased". As he further explains: The gathering, editing and publishing of news involves decisions by people who inevitably bring their own background, values and prejudices to bear on deciding what to select, emphasise and colour as news. Our view of the world through press reports depends on who decides reality, and how it is presented. The issue is not whether the press is biased, but the nature and extent of bias. The 1980s saw a view that has been wide spread in journalistic circles: since all news is written from a reporter's viewpoint, objectivity is recognised as an impossible and unattainable ideal and is being rapidly replaced by concepts such as fairness, accuracy and lack of bias. Most Australian journalists would now acknowledge that objectivity is an impossible ideal, nevertheless believing that journalists should try to be as objective as possible. Len Granato stated in 1991 that: we all possess cultural, psychological, political and social filters that colour our interpretations of the environment. However difficult it may be, journalists are expected to be aware of their particular blind spots and to keep them from influencing their copy ... Even though objectivity ( like godliness ( may be impossible for mere mortals to attain, the profession demands that journalists try for it so that decision-making remains with the people, where it belongs in a democratic society. On the other hand, as a reporting method, the objectivity approach which features separation of fact from comment and an impartial attitude, has been widely adopted by international press. Objectivity and fairness are the written code for both Australian and PRC journalism. The difference lies in the fact that many Australians see objectivity as belonging to all elements of society, and the media as a utility for conveying the diverse elements of public opinion. This acknowledgment sounds good, but on examination it is shown to be weak in practice. The cases mentioned above have already been proved, and it is not difficult to find others. It is claimed that, in the history of Australia, working class papers have frequently been suppressed by governments and there has been no space for communism (other than in small specifically papers). The term "propaganda" usually is applied to the PRC newspapers. However, it also exists in the Western press, not only in enormous advertisements but also in government campaigns, political elections, journalists' reports and editors' comments. Historical analysis reveals that propaganda has been widely used in all countries. Some Western media scholars already have admitted this. In 1972 Robert Cirino pointed out that "Any attempt to influence public opinion can be considered propaganda of one sort or another.... the use of hidden techniques of implanting bias by those who control mass media in the United States is a form of propaganda. That it is used to further establishment policies and priorities can be seen readily." Chomsky and Herman assert that the mass media in a capitalist society operate "very much in the manner of a system of state-controlled propaganda" and refers to "the capacity of Western ideological institutions to falsify, observe and reinterpret the facts in the interests of those who dominate the economy and political system." An Australian media textbook has acknowleged that propaganda is a regular phenomenon in the Australian press and that "part of the media's job is to convince us to buy products or ideas." As early as 1964, Mayer mentioned that Lord Beaverbrook had once stated that he ran the papers "purely for the purpose of making propaganda, and with no other motive." The performance of Murdoch's The Australian in the 1975 election has been criticised as that of a "propaganda sheet" because of its heavy bias against Labor. It is clear that propaganda is a common factor in the world press; the difference in each country is in degree and form. Many Western academics also have tried to avoid using this word and to employ the word "persuasion" instead. However, as Garth Jowett points out, "Propaganda has not been successfully differentiated from persuasion". Careful observation reveals, therefore, that propaganda is employed widely, and has a key function in the Chinese media, while in most Western democratic counties, including Australia, it is an unpopular concept which, for the most part, is avoided and controlled. In summary, therefore, class distinction, and propaganda as a method of distributing news and views, are openly declared and lawfully exist in the PRC media. This declaration, along with its denial of "Western objectivity" in the press, is meaningful. It provides a fully legitimate basis and approach for the existence of PRC newspapers. The logic simply is this: because the media has class character, a proletarian paper should belong to its highest organisation and the people's leading force ( the Communist Party. Meanwhile, the editing and reporting should be on the proletarian track. The judgement of what is newsworthy, the placement of news, whether up, down or withdrawn (is all to be in accordance with the best interests of the proletariat. Because the newspaper belongs to the Party, promotion of the Party line and policy is the natural consequence, and is the most important task of the paper. These considerations have developed into a systematic theory ( the Party journalism which, since the 1949 revolution, has dominated Chinese media as a main principle. For the Australian press, bias is recognised as undesirable, and newspapers have tried hard to use the objective method, even when one would argue that they are still biased. In PRC, the propaganda method is openly declared, but objective techniques are used to improve presentation. It would seem that class distinction, objectivity and propaganda are issues for continuing argument, which may remain as an endless debate, since these are not merely academic questions but problems rooted in two different political systems. There may be some truth in Yvonne Preston's statement that, "journalism in China and journalism in Australia are not in the same profession at all".     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